This article looks at dipinti and graffiti by, and about, singers of psalms at the monastery of Apa Apollo at Bawit.
This chapter looks at a late antique iscribed imperial sacra from Ephesos and seeks to place it into the the "contested space" of the city riddled with the religious contestation between Chalcedonian and miaphysite communiites.
This paper explores the use of legal imagery in 5th century homilies by Christian authors from Asia Minor writing in Greek. I particularly focus on the idea of legally framed 'redemption' of sinners by Christ.
This article compares widespread methodological approaches to the study of economic history in general, and markets, in particular. It suggests a method of studying economic history different from what is normally done in economic hisotry nowadays, when the whole field belongs to economists. This method implies using historical research tools as well as addressing to hermeneutics.
This volume arises from the international conference 'Hymns of the First Christian Millennium — Doctrinal, Devotional, and Musical Patterns' held in June 2014 at the Institute of Classical Studies in conjunction with King's College London. The original scope of the conference has been re-scaled to focus particularly on late antique Christian devotion as it manifests itself in hymns; experts on a variety of topics of early Christian hymnody have been invited to boost both specificity and depth of discussion in the proposed volume. The resulting collection of papers covers a range of aspects of literary, social, doctrinal, musicological, and devotional patterns of Christian hymnic texts, their liturgical and pious use in the period of late antiquity.
This chapter explores the different uses of hymn-singing, both liturgical and devotional, as elements of devotion to, and cult of, saints in late antique Greek-speaking Christian communities
The chapter offers a critical re-consideration of both late antique accounts, and modern scholarly discussions, of the so-called 'heretical hymns' in use in late antique Christian communities.
On Christmas Eve 1402, Hungarian noblemen gathered in the Cathedral of Nagyvárad, where St. Ladislas’ tomb was located, and swore an oath on the holy king’s relics. They proclaimed thus their allegiance to King Ladislas of Naples and conspired against the ruling King Sigis mund of Luxemburg. By swearing an oath on St. Ladislas’ relics, the conspirators united their minds and forces around the ideal figure of the holy king and knight who became the symbol of a political cause and the embodiment of the kingdom which King Sigismund was no longer suited to represent. The symbolic gesture of oath-swearing on St. Ladislas’ relics took place in the midst of a three-year political crisis (1401–1403) that seized the Kingdom of Hungary as a consequence of the barons’ dissatisfaction with King Sigismund’s measures, which jeopardized their wealth and political influence. By relying on both written accounts and visual sources, the present paper examines the utilizing by Hungarian noblemen during this political crisis of important political and spiritual symbols associated with the Kingdom of Hungary. These included: the cults, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas, the Hungarian Holy Crown, or the kingdom’s heraldry. The propagandistic usage of these spiritual and political symbols was reinforced by their insertion into elaborated rituals and symbolic actions, such as coronations or oath-swearing on relics. By activating the link between secular and religious spheres through these rituals and symbolic actions, their performers hoped to attract the divine approval. By discussing such instances, the present paper seeks to illustrate how the ideal figure of St. Ladislas became the catalyzing force behind a political cause.
The book Architects, Konungs, Pontiffs in Medieval Europe, which opens the series Polystoria, is based on research conducted by the Centre for Medieval Studies of the Higher School of Economics on the problems of medieval history of Western and Eastern Europe. The book deals with several aspects of cultural, political and religious interplay on a wide geographical horizon, from Byzantium, Caucasus and Rus’ to Scandinavia and the latin Christendom, from the early Middle Ages to the early Modern Time. Little studied, but still historically important cases and situations, like the visit of the pope to Constantinople in 711, single objects, like the konung Sverrir’s standard, are studied in great detail along with some crucial, and long discussed historiographical hyperthemes, like the genesis of Rus’, the christian architecture in Caucasus, the background of gothic naturalism or the anti-judean polemics. The volume concludes with the first complete and commented russian translation of the De miseria humanae conditionis, written around 1195 by the cardinal Lotario de’ Segni, the treatise to be one the milestone in the history of western religious thought and reflection on the nature of man.
The book is intended for historians, philologists, art historians, specialists in religious and cultural studies and political analysts.
The publication examines the circumstances of the last until the 20th century visit of the Pope to Constantinople. The can allow to clarify the symbolic meaning of the official papal headdress, mentioned for the first time on this very occasion.
The essay tries to reconstruct the activity of a Constantinopolitan building crew in south-west Anatolia in the early 10th century. The Cathedral of Mastaura (Dere Agzi, Lycia, and the church in Islamköy in Pisidia (near Byzantine Agrai), probably constructed due to the creation of new Episcopal centres in the late 9th century, were built at the same time and with the same techniques and decoration, albeit using a different scale, with the participation of master builders from Constantinople. It is very likely that in both cases this is the work of a single building crew that could, of course, change according to requirements: in the large-scale Cathedral of Mastaura, local builders had to join the Constantinopolitan masters. Moreover, it is likely that the builders of the Panagia church in the monastery of Constantine Lips (907 or 908) came from Constantinople to Mastaura and Islamköy, bringing some elements of the new architectural fashion of the capital (tetraconch pastophoria, oeil de boeuf windows/niches), which began its ‘expansion’ to south-east Anatolia. It is possible that the metropolitan masters moved further east in the empire, to Cappadocian Siricha, where the pilgrimage Church of the Holy Cross is mentioned in 904, under Leo VI. During his reign the katholikon of the Lips monastery was built and probably Eski Imaret Camii, the Cathedral of Mastaura and the church in Islamköy.
This issue of the Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik is comprising the full papers of the international symposium on Gothic language, history and culture “The Goths Compared: East Germanic communities between Balticum, Pontus and the West” which was held on November 5–6, 2019 at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (hse) in Moscow. The symposium was organised by the Centre for Medieval Studies, HSE.
The new complex of Greek inscriptions from Machkhomeri fortress is a unique evidence of the Christianization of Lazica in the 6th c. Along with the inscriptions from Sepieti and Vashnari (now in the Ozurgeti Museum) churches, these are the first monuments of lapidary epigraphy from Lazica and the only complex of inscriptions known there. Three lapidary inscriptions have different characters: one is an invocative and building inscription, the second is invocative and prohibitive, and the third is probably prohibitive. All three of these inscriptions are executed according to the epigraphic style of the mid-6th ‒ mid-7th c., but by different carvers; especially the form of epsilon is different: drop-shaped (incl. with a gap at the top), rectangular and diamond-shaped, that indicates Lazica’s acquaintance with different varieties of the Greek epigraphic ductus. The graffiti inscriptions on the slab, possibly of school character, should also be considered as evidence of the spread of Greek alphabet in Lazica; but also here the form of alpha varies between one with a broken crossbar (like on the lapidary inscriptions of Machkhomeri) and the other with a loop. One should also pay attention to the names of the ktetors: Gorgonios and Theonas, who, as in the case of Sepieti (Philoktistos), are not of local, but of Greek and Christian origin. Probably, the builder of the martyrium basilica, Gorgonios, dedicated it to the holy Forty martyrs of Sebasteia, bearing himself the name of one of them. Also important are the parallels to the formulas of Machkhomeri inscriptions found in the epigraphic traditions of Asia Minor and the East (Arabia and Syria), which may suggest the origin of the ktetors or carvers.
The newly found Gothic inscriptions from Crimea reopened the question of the Christian identity of the Crimean Goths in its interrelation with the Greek-Byzantine environment. The Mangup graffito I.1 and the Late Medieval inscription from Bakhchysarai both contain the acronymised formula ‘(Saviour) God Jesus’ which we think was a purposeful declaration of the Gothic community’s Orthodox Nicene allegiance. The expanded variant of Ps. 76:15 in the graffito of Mangup proves its liturgical character and the involvement of the Crimean Goths with Byzantine liturgical processes. The alternative counting of weekdays which from the 11th century onwards is epigraphically attesed in the Gothic eparchy in Crimea may have its origin in the Gothic church calendar of the 4th–5th century and have influenced neighbouring peoples of Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.
This article is a study of an honorific inscription from a statue base of Andreas, an imperial official in late fourth–early fifth antique Ephesos. By combining insights from the literary and intertextual analysis of the inscription with a discussion of the visual associations which the text relies on, we argue that Andreas’ inscribed praises find itself at the intersection of classicizing literary idiom, visual patterns of representation of the imperial power attested on coins, and New Testament phrasing. The inscribed honorific statue therefore is an instance of appropriation of traditionally Roman and Hellenic visual, ideological, and literary discourses by the increasingly Christian authors, readers, and viewers of public inscriptions in late antique cityscapes. It attests to profound, if subtly manifesting, shifts in the ‘epigraphic habit’ in late antiquity that were informed by the emergence of hybrid, equally Roman and Christian, identities and ways of representing them epigraphically
Eastern Syriac mystical writers in describing the way of the solitude leading to the state of Union with God used different Syriac words meaning ‘face’(appē, quḇlā and parṣōpā).The usage of the idea of ‘face’ in the mystical theology has been predefined by the medical and theological (trinitarian and especially Christological) usage. In theology face was an expression of the idea of person (qnōmā) and was used to denote God in relation to a Man. Syriac Gallenic medicine knew that the face was an external expression of the brain conveyed by nervous impulses. In the ascetical thought of the Eastern Syriac mystics face of the man expressed sorrow (contrition) or joy (sense of the Union) – main emotions of the ascetic. In the highest mystical sense the ‘Face’ as in theology is a metaphor for the Encounter with God. This is the last and the highest goal of the human. An ascetic is dealing with his physical face as with a part of the self, an object to transfigure or efface. The goal is to make of it a reflection of eternal light or joy, which accompanies the ascetic toward the last stage of the Union with God which is called ‘Seeing God’s Face’.
The" Library "of Patriarch Photius, Codex 52 contains evidence of the Acts of the Council of Side, which is used to be taken as one of the main elements of the "anti-messalian dossier" in the Byzantine Church tradition. Whether this Council took place in fact and in what form is not known. However, the available data suggest a great deal of confusion and possibly falsification of its entire story. The main characters (Lampetius, Sabba, Dadoes etc) from the Syriac side look like fictitious. From the comparison of the names with the Syriac documents (Philoxeni Ad Patricium) follows, that , the chief heretic – "Lampetius/ Malpatius" is a fictitious figure. Behind him hides the Syrian Adelphius, a disciple of St. Julian Sabba. The history of "messalianism" in the light of a new perspective of the research on the Late Antique heresiology appears as a great misunderstanding, caused by the conflict of ascetic models. The Syriac model was based on the idea of apotage (disconnection from the world), which three hundred years later was fully adopted in the Greek asceticism. The dossier of the "messalian heresy" (connected with Ps.-Macarius writings) was further used against the new releigous movements of the Middle Ages (paulicianism, bogomilism). Historical inconsistencies in the middle-century anti-heretic literature ceased to confuse readers, because the whole history of "messianism" turned into a myth.
This paper is a brief case study of a fourth-century Greek epigram from Aegina (IG IV, 53), which is discussed as an instance of 'hybrid' diction bringing together classicizing diction and elements of Christian idiom. I frame my argument within the recent research into late antique epigraphic poetry and the dynamics of the traditional Hellenic and Christian styles in it. The case study, forming part of a Companion to languages in Christianity, seeks to highlight the recent developments in the study of the epigraphic discourse in late antiquity, the issues of literary paideia, and Christianization of the elite.
The present article deals with the literary image of a Gothic man who happened to be in Edessa in the 5th century AD as a part of Roman auxiliary troops. He is reported to marry there a local girl under pretext of being a celibatarian. Having left Syria for Gothia, it turned out that he was married and had children. The Syrian wife became a slave and suffered a lot before returning miraculously back to Edessa. From the comparative study of the sources it becomes clear that the Gothic auxiliary troops were summoned to Edessa in connection with the advance of the Huns. Notwithstanding the common equation of Goths and Getae, the Gothic soldier in question was Germanic and not Getan (Dacian). The last question is the character of the marriage gift he presented for his temporary marriage.