This paper explores the use of legal imagery in 5th century homilies by Christian authors from Asia Minor writing in Greek. I particularly focus on the idea of legally framed 'redemption' of sinners by Christ.
This paper is a brief case study of a fourth-century Greek epigram from Aegina (IG IV, 53), which is discussed as an instance of 'hybrid' diction bringing together classicizing diction and elements of Christian idiom. I frame my argument within the recent research into late antique epigraphic poetry and the dynamics of the traditional Hellenic and Christian styles in it. The case study, forming part of a Companion to languages in Christianity, seeks to highlight the recent developments in the study of the epigraphic discourse in late antiquity, the issues of literary paideia, and Christianization of the elite.
This volume arises from the international conference 'Hymns of the First Christian Millennium — Doctrinal, Devotional, and Musical Patterns' held in June 2014 at the Institute of Classical Studies in conjunction with King's College London. The original scope of the conference has been re-scaled to focus particularly on late antique Christian devotion as it manifests itself in hymns; experts on a variety of topics of early Christian hymnody have been invited to boost both specificity and depth of discussion in the proposed volume. The resulting collection of papers covers a range of aspects of literary, social, doctrinal, musicological, and devotional patterns of Christian hymnic texts, their liturgical and pious use in the period of late antiquity.
Review of T. Arentzen, The Virgin in Song. Mary and the Poetry of Romanos the Melodist (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017)
This chapter explores the different uses of hymn-singing, both liturgical and devotional, as elements of devotion to, and cult of, saints in late antique Greek-speaking Christian communities
The chapter offers a critical re-consideration of both late antique accounts, and modern scholarly discussions, of the so-called 'heretical hymns' in use in late antique Christian communities.
The article explores discourses and ideas related to the human body as expressed in Latin literature of the Higher Middle Ages, with a special attention payed to an anonymous poem in hundred elegiac distichs, probably composed shortly after 1200: De ventre. The poem is compared to other examples of the specific genre of poetic altercatio, as well as to discussions of the functioning of organism, from the School of Chartres to the "Retorica corporis humani" by Nicolas de Sanctis in 1260. The article is supplied by a complete poetic translation of the De ventre into Russian.
This chapter is devoted to theological ideas of the astrologer Michael Scot, active at the court of Frederick II, ca. 1230.
This is the first commented critical edition of two Latin treatises by Michael Scot, astrologer and translator at the court of Frederick II, first third of XIIIth century. It is provided by an extensive historical and philological introduction.
Academic perspectives on the dynamics between early Christianity and the classical culture have been going through a dramatic change in the last decades. The major development in how scholars conceive of early Christians vis-à-vis vis a vis the ‘Hellenic’, or ‘pagan ’, cultural heritage has been the constantly growing realization that the watershed between the two was at least not as neat as pictured before. In what follows, I will discuss three strands in the complex interaction of early Christian theologians with Plutarch’s writings. Proceeding from the instances of polemical attacks on ‘pagan’ religious thinking in Plutarch on to patterns of positive engagement with his legacy, I will emphasize how much Plutarch was an essential part of the literary and philosophical culture which Christians shared with non-Christians in late antiquity. My focus will be mainly on the third and fourth century AD and on the instances of sustained and demonstrably deliberate use of Plutarch’s writings by Christian theologians rather than on more general parallels and echoes of his works in early Christian discourse
This article discusses the phenomenon of using two Christian names by one and the same person among the laity in medieval Russia. The main attention is paid to the late stage of this tradition in the dynasty of Rurikids and in their inner circle. The article poses the following questions: what are the Christian names of Tsar Fedor and Tsarina Irina, what saints they venerated as their holy patrons and on what day was Irina Godunova born?
The paper deals with the special features of Russian dual Christian naming—that is, the practice of giving a lay person an additional Christian name, other than his/her baptismal name. In the Middle Ages in Russia, a man could not under any circumstances get a female anthroponym as a second Christian name, and a woman, respectively, could not get a male anthroponym. In particular, no variations with respect to the calendar tradition, which transform male names into female names and vice versa, were allowed. This markedly contraposes the choice of the second Christian name for a lay woman to the choice of the monastic name for a nun. The work examines a number of incidents that would seem to violate this rigor of the gender distribution of anthroponyms, and discusses a number of related problems associated with the multiplicity of personal names in pre-Petrine Rus’.
The paper publishes Greek Christian inscriptions from the Crimea either re-found or newly discovered mostly in 2015–2016, which are missing in the IOSPE3 V. These finds allowed us to get photographs of IOSPE3 V 165, 307 and to correct the reading of IOSPE3 V 126, 222, and 246. The new finds comprise slabs from Bermana Ravine in vicinity of Sevastopol (add. 1, 2), a commemorative inscription from 1365/6 AD from a small church above Verkhorech’e (Biia-Sala) (add. 3), graffiti from a roadside altarless church near Il’ka Mountain in vicinity of Mangup (add. 5) and Eski-Kermen (add. 6), tombstones from Staryi Krym (Solkhat) from 1361/2 (add. 7), Tyritake from ca. 900 (add. 8), Kerch from the sixth (add. 10) and eleventh (add. 9) centuries, and Bogatyr’ from 1509, and also building inscription from a cave church at Zagaitanskaia Cliff in Inkerman from 1303 (add. 4). The latter mentions that the church was dedicated to St. Nicholas of Myra in Lycia and the name of John Skleros, a previously unknown Metropolitan Bishop of Cherson, and also the kellion of monk Helias, which revives the question of the status of minor cave monasteries in the Mountainous Crimea.
The article deals with the amendments made by A. P. Tolochko to the traditional chronology of the Russian metropolitans of the 11th cent., compiled by A. Poppe, and shows the weaknesses of both chronologies. Based on the latest epigraphic finds, a new chronology of the Metropolitans until the last quarter of the 11th cent. is proposed: Theophylact was transferred to Russia from the Metropolitan see of Sebasteia sometime before 1015; Theopempt became the Metropolitan no later than 1039; John ascended the throne after 1039 and reigned until 1051; Hilarion became the Metropolitan in 1051 (probably after July 24) and ceased to be in 1052 (before November 4); Ephraim received the Metropolitan see in 1052 (until November 4) and retained it at least until 1055; George, mentioned under 1072, could have become the Metropolitan as early as 1055.